Lund boildown for my purposes

I am happy again. It is possible to be eficaz. Now I will start boiling LUND down. I want to point out that Freyre appears to have derived his theories of Brazilian exceptionalism from Unamuno and Ortega y Gasset. Also, it seems that following Guimarães’ categories, I believe in “historical races.”

Key phrases from Lund, The Mestizo State

-Every nation produces an identity through which it expresses its history as a political formation. In European derived societies, these identities emerge through and in dialogue with racial discourse.

-Vasconcelos takes the mestizology of the 19th century and uses it to universalize Mexico (to make it cosmic). The cosmic race is the universal, apparently antiracial but really hyperracial race to come.

-Scholarship up until now has covered three issues: relationship between indigenismo and mestizaje, limits of the allegedly inclusive discourse of mestizaje, and the veiled African presence. All of these foci take the basic category of race as self evident, i.e., they assume it is a thing.

-Lund, on the other hand, will address race as a cultural-political problematic. Because it is governed by a hierarchical impulse, it always returns to segregation.

-Race is written, and thus produced in major Mexican work after major Mexican work, but critical reflection does not move beyond the mestizaje paradigm.

Lund is trying to read race, but not “read for racism.” He is interested in finding out how racism works, what its coneptual bases and governing categories are, how it changes, and how it does not.

-We are in a postmulticulturalist moment, contemplating the theories, practices, and legacies of race; hybrid identities and their critique reign. La raza cósmica is only the most spectacular example of attempts to think beyond race.

-I WANT TO SAY YOU CAN ONLY THINK BEYOND RACE THROUGH RACE ITSELF AND I WONDER, WOULD THE GOLDBERG ARGUMENT SUPPORT THIS?

-Mexico’s liberal concensus has always had to address the place of indigenous communities in the heterogeneous cultural landscape. Thus the history of racialization in Mexico is particularly useful for thinking about the limits of the liberal critique of race and racism generally.

-Liberalism, as an ideology of freedom and equality, cannot deliver what it teaches us to demand because it is committed to capitalism, which precludes these.

These, once again, are some other Lund items, as I have become quite interested in what he has to say.

The Impure Imagination: Toward a Critical Hybridity in Latin American Writing (2006) and Gilberto Freyre e os estudos latino-americanos (2006, co-edited and introduced with Malcolm McNee). Recent essays appear in PMLA, Hispanic Issues On-Line, and The Colorado Review of Hispanic Studies.

Axé.


One thought on “Lund boildown for my purposes

  1. Dice el comentarista:

    Me parece muy interesante hablar de este tema. Voy a cambiar a español porque quiero ser más preciso y mi inglés a veces es un poco (en realidad bastante) más ambiguo que mi español. Josh es un pensador muy interesante y su tesis es valida. Sin embargo, con respecto a la lectura de Alva y el XIX tengo algunos puntos en los que desacuerdo con Lund. Josh establece que Alva representa el límite de la crítica del concenso liberal con respecto al concepto de raza. Lund argumenta esto basado en su idea de un entronque entre el proyecto liberal y el desarrollo capitalista. Sin embargo, tengo un problema con esto: el primero, el concenso liberal es bastante problematico. Estudios como los de Palti, Pani o Connauhgton muestran la agitada vida politica y la inestabilidad de un acuerdo liberal desde Maximiliano hasta Porfirio con respecto a muchos ideas liberales (anexionismo, desarrollo economico, entre otros) que hoy entendemos como propiamente liberales. En mi opinion, el proyecto de Alva tiene más vectores que capitalismo y liberalismo. Además, el capitalismo desarrollista muestra varias contradicciones dentro del liberalismo republicano (una de ellas, la tensión entre soberania popular, la ciudadania y el poder coercitivo estatal). Estas ideas desarrollistas tiene una geneologia larga durante todo el siglo XIX mexicano y no son propias del momento de Alva exclusivamente.

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